Kwame Nkrumah’s Iconic Speech About African Unity in Addis Ababa, 1963: We Must Unite or Perish

Kwame Nkrumah: What are we waiting for? What are we looking for? Are we looking for mere charters conceived in the light of the United Nations example? A type of United Nations organization whose decisions are framed on the basis of resolutions that in our experience have sometimes been ignored by member states? Where groupings are formed and pressure developed in accordance with the interests of the groups concerned? Or is it intended that Africa should be turned into a loose organization of states on the model of the organization of the American states in which The weaker states within it can be at the mercy of the stronger or more powerful ones, political and economically, and all at the mercy of some powerful outside nation or group of nations. Your Excellencies, is this the kind of association we want? for ourselves in the United Africa we all speak of with such feeling and emotion. Your Excellencies, permit me to ask, is this the kind of framework we desire for a United Africa? An arrangement which in future would permit Ghana or Nigeria or the Sudan or Liberia or Egypt or Ethiopia, for example, to use pressure with either superior economic or political influence gives to decide the flow and direction of trade, say from Burundi or Togo or Nyasaland to Mozambique and Madagascar. We all want United Africa United not only in our concept of what unity connotes but united in our common desire to move forward together in dealing with all the problems that can best be solved only on a continental basis Sir, when the Congress the first Congress of the United States met many years ago at Philadelphia one of the delegates Sounded the first chord of unity by declaring that they had met in the state of nature. In other words, they were not in Philadelphia as Virginians or Presbyterians, but simply as Americans. This reference to themselves... This reference to themselves as Americans was in those days a new and strange experience. But may I dare to assert equally on this occasion, Your Excellencies, that we meet here today not as Ghanaians, Guineans, Egyptians, Algerians, Moroccans, Malians, Liberians, Congolese, or Nigerians, but as Africans. Africans united in our resolve to remain here until we have agreed on the basic principles of a new compact of unity among ourselves with guarantees for us and our future a new arrangement for continental governments. If we succeed in establishing a new set of principles as the basis of a new charter or statute for the establishment of a continental unit of Africa and the creation of social and political progress for our people, then, imagine, this conference should mark the end of our various groupings and regional blocs. But if we fail, and let this grand and historic opportunity slip by, then we shall give way to greater dissension and division among us, for which the people, the masses of the people of Africa, will never forgive us. And the popular and progressive forces and movements within Africa will condemn us, surely. I'm sure, therefore, that we shall not fail them. Your Excellencies, I have spoken at length because it is necessary for us all to explain not only to one another present here, but also to our people who have instructed us the fate and destiny of the African continent. We must therefore not leave this place until we have set up an effective machinery for achieving African unity. To this end, I now propose for your consideration the following. As a step, Your Excellencies, a declaration of principles uniting and minding us together and to which we must all faithfully and loyally adhere and lay the foundation of unity should be set down and there should also be a formal declaration that all the independent African states here and now agree to the establishment of a union of African states a second and urgent steps for the realization of the integration of Africa. An all-Africa committee of foreign ministers be set up now, and that before we rise from this conference, a date should be fixed for them to meet. This committee should establish, on behalf of the heads of our governments, a permanent body of officials and experts to work out a machinery for the union government of Africa. This board of officials and experts should be made up of one or two of the best brains from each of the independent African states. The various charters of the adjacent groupings and other relevant documents could also be submitted to these official experts working under the hegemony of a committee of the foreign ministers. And a presidium consistent of the heads of government of independent African states should be called upon to meet and adopt a constitution and other recommendations which will launch the government of Africa. We must also decide on a location where this body of officials and experts will work as the new headquarters or capital of our union government. Some central place in Africa might be the further suggestion. From my view, either at Bangui, in the Central African Republic, or in Leopoldville, in the Congo. All the officials that will go there, I wish I should go there, they will wait. My colleagues may have other proposals. The committee of foreign ministers, officials and experts should be empowered to establish a commission to frame a constitution for the Union Government of African States, a commission to work out a continent-wide plan for the United or Common Economic and Industrial Program for Africa, This plan should include for setting up a common market for Africa, an African currency, African monetary zone, an African central bank, a continental communication system. Third, a commission to draw up details for common foreign policy and diplomacy. A commission to produce plans for a common system of defense. A commission to make proposals. for a common African citizenship. These commissions will report to the Committee of Foreign Ministers who should in turn submit within six months of the conference their recommendation to the Presidium. The Presidium meeting and conference at the Union headquarters, whether it's at Bangui or Duperville, will consider and approve the recommendations of the Committee of Foreign Ministers. In order to provide funds immediately for the committee of the permanent officials and experts of the headquarters of the union, I suggest that a special committee be set up now to work out a budget for this. Your Excellency, with these steps, I submit we shall be irrevocably committed to the road which will bring us to a union government of Africa. Only united Africa, with central political direction, can successfully give effective material and moral support to our freedom fighters in southern Rhodesia, Angola, Mozambique, South-West Africa, Aquana land, Swaziland, Basuto land, Portuguese Guinea, etc., etc., and of course South Africa. All Africa must be liberated now. It is therefore imperative for us here and now to establish a liberation bureau for African freedom fighters. They may not get of this bureau to which all governments should subscribe, should be to accelerate emancipation of the rest of Africa, still under colonial and racialist domination and repression. It should be our joint responsibility to finance and support this bureau. On their successful achievement of independence, these territories will automatically join our Union of African States and thus strengthen the fabric of Mother Africa. It's the only hope for them. Otherwise why do we become independent? Why are they going? We shall live here. Haven't laid the foundation of our unity. Your choice is. Nothing could be more fitting than that reunification of Africa should be born on the soil of the state. We stood for centuries as a symbol of African independence. Let us return to our people of Africa, not with empty hands and without high-sounding resolutions, but with the firm hope and assurance that at long last, African unity has become a reality. What brought all of you here? We shall thus begin the triumphant march to the kingdom of the African personalities, and to a continent of prosperity and progress, of equality and justice, and of work and happiness. This shall be our victory. Victory within a continental government of a union of African states. This victory will give our boys greater force in world affairs and enable us to throw our weight, more possibly, on the side of peace. The world needs peace in which the greatest advantage can be taken is the benefits of science and technology. Many of the world's present ills are to be found in the insecurity and fear engendered by the threat of nuclear war. Especially, do we the new nations need peace in order to make our way into a life of economic and social well-being? I made an atmosphere of insecurity and instability. I promote moral, cultural and spiritual fulfillment. If we in Africa can achieve this example of a continent knit together in common policy and common purpose, we shall have made the finest possible contribution to that peace for which all men and women test today. and which will lift once and forever the deepest shadow of global destruction from mankind. Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto God. Africa must unite.